हुन त यो राजदरबार हत्या काण्ड बारे धेरै पटक धेरै ठाउँ मा चर्चा परिचर्चा भैसके . हत्या काण्ड लगत्तैको अन्यौल र नियन्त्रित संचार अनि आशंकाहरु ...त्यति बेलाको यो भारतीय संचार माध्यमका प्रस्तोता बर्खा दत्तको प्रस्तुतिले उठाएका केहि प्रश्नहरु अहिले पनि अनुत्तरित छन् . 

http://www.ndtv.com/video/player/ndtv-classics/massacre-of-the-royal-family-of-nepal-aired-june-2001/273721?pfrom=home-editorspic

looks like The Tv was interested in projecting gynendra as a killer which was general sentiment in ktm at that time. But I think Reporting could be comapratively neutral.

May be that was their intention or may be they wer not professional

This question that who actually killed the king and his family will always be there in people's mind. Most of the Nepalese still can't believe that Prince Dipendra did this. And they have doubt (?) that it was actually Gyanendra or Paras who designed this massacre. Gyanendra, Paras and other witnesses have always denied this. But they will have to suffer this accusation,  may be forever, in the history of Nepal. People will always see them as murderers. The reason for this accusation is none other than Gyanendra himself. He was never honest with people. Had he had been honest and sincere with the people of Nepal, he should have opened the door of the palace for free investigation immediately after the incident happened. Rather he chose to lie to the people and closed the doors of the palace, tampered the evidences and formed a controversial committee for investigation. He denied the people from right of getting the true picture and information about the murder of their dear king. He did not respect the people of Nepal. As a result, even if he was innocent as he has always claimed, he'll always be a suspect in the eyes of all Nepalese. May be, this is his punishment and he deserves it.

rahulvai- I tried to answer some of your questions and you removed your questions rightaway- enough have been speculated and discussed, but for conspiracy theorists, nothing gonna be enough!!

http://sajha.com/sajha/html/index.cfm?threadid=90648#821405

 I was going through the official report released by 3 member commitee who were responsible for the investigation of this incident. To my surprise I found Dipendra didn't speak a single word the entire time in this incident except at a time when he saw Paras and other youngsters who were hiding behind the couch when he asked Paras in english "What are you doing here?" I don't understand why he spoke in english during the time like that. This can led to only two conclusion: either Dipendra used to prefer english to talk to his families or there was an outsider involved in this incident other than a native Nepali speaker. Also why the hell those ADC didn't come to rescue king after first shot who are supposedly trained by secret service from around the world? An army neighbor of mine who was posted inside royal palace during this incident told me they had order from high level not to engage even if they heard gunshot inside the palace that night. A batallion of army men with modern arms and training are posted inside palace whose duty is not other than to protect royal monarchy and palace and hold enemy for time until royal families leave palace safely.
If there is one man who knows what happened that night, that is the then Army chief Prajjowla sumsher J.B.R 

 लाग्छ यो बिषयमा अनन्तकालसम्म बहस चलिनैरहनेछ यद्दपी यथार्थ के हो त्यो अब कहिल्यै पनि जगको सामु आउने छैन । हुनसक्छ जुन रिपोर्ट यो हत्याकाण्डको छानबिन गर्ने बनेको आयोगले दियो त्यो रिपोर्टले औल्याएको कुरा नै सत्य हो । तर जुन किसिमले छानबिन टुङ्याइयो र जुन किसिमको रिपोर्ट बाहिर ल्याइयो त्यसले प्रशस्त प्रश्न गर्ने ठाउँहरु बाँकी राख्यो । रिपोर्ट्ले जे भनोस् धेरै नेपालीहरुको नजरमा अझै पनि पूर्व राजा ज्ञानेन्द्र र पूर्व युवराज पारस नै यो हत्याकान्डका दोषी हुन् । हत्या भए लगत्तै हत्यासँग सम्बन्धित थुप्रै प्रमाणहरु नष्ट गरिनु र हत्याको अनुसन्धान वैज्ञानीक र पार्दर्शी ढंगले गर्न नसक्नाले यो हत्या काण्डलाई थप रहस्यमय बनाएको छ । अब यो हत्याकाण्ड सदाको लागि एउटा रहस्य नै भएर रहनेछ । तर मेरो मनमा सधैं खट्किने एउटा प्रश्न के हो भने जोसँगको प्रेम प्रसँगलाई लिएर दीपेन्द्रले यत्रो हत्याकान्ड रचे भनिन्छ तिनै देवयानीलाई यो हत्याकान्डको अनुसन्धानको सिल्सिलामा केही प्रश्न सोधिएन । यदी दीपेन्द्रले देवयानीकै प्रेम प्रसँगलाई लिएर यो सब हत्याकान्ड गरेको हो भने देवयानी बाहेक अरु कसैलाई दीपेन्द्रको भित्री मनसायको बारेमा थाहा हुने थिएन र एउटा सिङो राजपरिवारको बंश नाश हुने गरी भएको हत्याकाण्डमा उनलाई प्रश्नहरु सोध्न नमिल्ने कुनै कारण थिएन । 

GT bro,
Gorakh, ketaki le bhaneko biswas nagarne le devyani ko biswas garlan?

yesma, raja gyanendra/paras le gareko bhanthanneharule ta gyanendra ra paras le nai gareko ho bhanera yeuta hawaldar le bhane ko ni patyaune gareka chan bhan bhagwan nai ayera gyanendra le hoina bhane ni biswas garne chainan. yesari bivajit cha yesma manasthiti.

nepali janta sabaile gyanendra lai hatyara bhanthanchan bhannu ali atisyokti hola, tyeti bela ma bijay kumar pandey, kank dixit , ram chandra paudel adi le ta dipendra nai bhaeka hun ni..khali hamra CK lalji le hindi ma star plus lai rijhaune ali kaite kura gareka thiye. mainle ma jasta dipendra le nai mareko manne aam manis haru dherainai bheteko chu bhane namanne pani bheteko chu.

gyanendra le paras le mareko bhaye sayad ganatantra tyei din ma nai aaune thiyo hola...dalharu ra bharat le yeti kurnu pardaina thiyo...kher yo bahas garne bhanda biswas garne wa nagarne kura baneko cha.

arko kura sampura desh aba raja ra rajtantra bata dherai tala jharisakeko cha, 10 barese sankraman kal ma karodaun le anaitik rupma nepali nagarikta liyeka chan, desh chalaune aba sampurna rupma delhi bhaisake ko cha..nepali haru limbuwan ra tamuwan bhane ladira chan..desh naksama matra simit banna pugeko bela ma sampurna nepalikai ali ali gari bansa ra pusta naas bhairakheko dekchu ma ta..bahas khas tyeta tira hunu parne ho..

unicode ma type garne jangar ni chalena..maf pau!

@ kanchu,

"nepali janta sabaile gyanendra lai hatyara bhanthanchan bhannu ali atisyokti hola"

nepali janta le yesto bhan thannu ma gyanendra ko kehi dosh dekhnu huncha ki ajhai gyanendra ko kehi pani dosh nai chaina, uni ta ekdam bichara hun bhanne thannu huncha? gyanendra hatyara hun wa honan ko kura chadi dinus, tara unle praman haru meteko kura mannu huncha ki hunna? unle janta lai " swachalit hatiyar padkera durghatana bhayeko" vanera jhuto boleka pani thiyenan bhannu huncha ?

In the months leading up to the Nepali coup, the CIA established an office in the Maharajgunj District of Kathmandu, next door to the residence of Prince Gyanendra. Witnesses reoprtedly saw streams of Nepali police and military officials streaming into the offices. Other U.S. “civilians,” said to be with private military contractor CIA fronts like MPRI, were also seen arriving at the offices. In the spring, a U.S. Special Operations Forces personnel arrived in Kathmandu on a secret exercise code-named Bailey Nightingale I. The cover for the exercise was said to be earthquake disaster training. But it now appears it had another disaster in mind. The military team was composed of U.S. psychological operations (PSYOPs) personnel adept at coming up with tales like the one about the Crown Prince murdering his family.

According to unblemished sources in Kathmandu, the king and his family were quickly dispatched by a Nepali army commando unit trained at the time by U.S. Special Operations forces sent by U.S. Pacific Commander in Chief Adm. Dennis Blair (he’s the same guy who propped up Gen. Wiranto with special training while the good general was committing genocide in East Timor). What was to become the Pentagon’s Office of Strategic Influence (PSYOPs division) prepared a story, with the assistance of India’s Research and Analysis Wing (RAW) intelligence agency, that the King and his family were murdered as a result of the Crown Prince going nuts with automatic weapons after being forlorn over his mother’s refusal to allow him to marry a commoner. http://monthlyreview.org/commentary/comparisons-between-recent-u-s-backed-coups

 

If you all recall correctly, there were choppers over the skies of the palace around the massacre. One of the choppers belonged to the Army, supposedly assigned to pick up Gyanendra from Pokhara. Gyanendra joined the mourning the next day only citing weather conditions whereas the Marines choppers equiped with nightvision, left without any trouble.

Dipendra's body found outside the Kot, along with Aishwarya ad Nirajan, suggests something else too. Aishwarya and Nirajan were trying to escape the palace, following the shootout, searching for Dipendra, and found him already shot and sccumbled outside. While they tried to save Dipendra, multiple fires tore through Aishwarya and Nirajan.

Birendra along with the family were inside Tribhuwan Sadan, where indeed a combat uniformed male equipped with weapons, opened fire at the King. To recap, only King and the Crown Prince could carry weapons within the premises; hence, the shooter had to be of same height, weight, look, attributes as Dipendra. On top, when you are in a camoflouge, you just dont dress up, you mark your face as well. As such, no mask was necessary to perform the hit.

A little more research shows that CIA has used 'Nightingale' coded operatives in multiple occassions and one of the occassions involved using Singapore Force for a swift assault and rescue during Gulf War in Saudi Arabia.

Birendra's inability to mobilize the army, loaded with US and Indian weapons, against the Maoists, was one fo the primary factors of the CIA Hit. Remember, Dipendra himself was being involved in purchase of another huge round of cache, which could generate millions of US$ for dipendra as a purchase commission. Dipendra was profoundly used and misued.

Then came the grand design, the Maoists were on an offensive and were even threatening Indian territories, influencing ULFA in Assam and the Maoists in Jharkhand as well as Kerala. India and US wanted the arms deal to be taken care of immediately and launch a full scale offensive against the armed terrorists. Birendra was a bit hesitant on this and the process was being delayed by 2001. If you see closely, June 1st is the time when the Budget  is going to be lapsed by July 15th. A cherry on top fact is that Nepal, although small and having a low GDP, has  an Army expenses of 1.5% of its GDP, thats Billions!

Dhirendra was already stripped, Gyanendra a Business Man with a notorious son and Aishwarya/Dipendra hardliners compared to Birendra. In order to make the deal happen, either Dipendra had to be crowned or Birendra had to retire. Both did not seem likely. A viable prospect was only Gyanendra. The Indian house of rajputs, with support of Pashupati SMS JBR and Girija Babu, were involved on frequent basis pressing the palace to push for the wedding of Dipendra with Devyani. Aishwarya had her own plans. Dipendra had no optons but to listen and play along.

When Birendra tried reaching out to the Maoists and even send dhirendra in one of a high level meeting in Libang with Baburam, it was not tolerated by the Indians and the CIA.  Gyanendra himself was involved in flying in Prachanda and Baburam on a private chopper to the palace for a peace meeting with the palace, which did not bear any result. The Maoists did make out that Birendra was soft. The arms deal did not just involve guns, fut the suit was to be followed by purchase of numerous nightvision choppers, jets and short range missiles. The South Asian Arms Supply involves billion dollar deal which involves China's Arms supply to Pakistan, Soviet arms supply to India and US arms supply to Nepal directly and indirectly via India. In 2001, US supplied Nepal with M-16, M-4 and Night Vision Glasses http://www.ipcs.org/article/nepal/us-arms-to-nepal-1534.html.

Pentagon's Arms Trade Lobbyist includes Lockheed Martin, Beijing Co and Northop, which supplies Billions of $$ worth of arms to pentagons for its customers in Asia. In 2013, citing political instability, this Trade Group is shooting for a never-ever-before seen boom! http://www.reuters.com/article/2013/01/01/us-usa-asia-arms-sales-idUSBRE90005D20130101 and http://www.southasiaanalysis.org/node/143

In January 2001, 5 months before the massacre,  George Bush is sworn in as the president and America is once again back on its height of republicans, pressing guns, war expenses and oil. One of his tasks is to bring Iraq to its knees for insulting his dad's governance during Iraq-Kuwait war. By February, Bush is on the loose, attacking Iraq's defence along side UK. In April a US Survillance Plane "collides" with a Chinese Fighter Jet in the Chienese Airspace. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/2001_in_the_United_States#June

America has to find its way into China and its defence network and it is not possible from India, where it has housed Dalai Lama in Arunanchal Pradesh. US reloads its CIA Khampa campaign, supporting Tibet and pressing Nepal to recognize Tibet, if it wants economic and arms assistance. GP Koirala, then PM, agrees to the US demands and Tibetan activities are on the rise in the valley again. Read: http://www.mikeldunham.blogs.com/mikeldunham/cia-in-tibet/. US trough USGS has been actively installing hidden high quality espionage cameras in the mountains of Nepal since 1950s and have been upgrading the systems through INGOs operaitng in those areas. http://sajha.com/sajha/html/index.cfm?threadid=102424

With flourishment of foreign forces and foreign influence in nepal, challenging its soverignity, Birendra was pulling his grips on GP Koirala. GPK on the otherhand, was a on a full swing with some of his key ministers to close the deal on weapons, aircrafts and national carrier airlines, which meant millions of US$ as commission for Congress as well as their personal pockets.

 Dalai Lama does not reside in Arunachal pradesh. He lives in Dharmasala, HP. LOL!! What about the NTC call record that says dipendra calling Devyani saying he already became king after shooting his father?

Rahulvai, reality never looks like a perfect while conpiracy theorist want things to be perfect- Yuvraj Ghimire has a nice piece but certainly will do no good for the conspiracy theorists.
दरबार हत्याकाण्डलाई फर्केर हेर्दा

युवराज घिमिरे 

दक्षिण कोरियाको बाह्य सहयोग संस्था कोइकाको निमन्त्रणामा सोलमा थिएँ म, उद्योग व्यवसायी विनोदबहादुर श्रेष्ठसँगै । २०५८ जेठ २० गते (जुन २) बिहानै उठेर इन्टरनेट हेर्दा दरबार हत्याकाण्डबारे थाहा भयो । विनोदजी र मेरो प्राथमिकता कसरी तुरुन्तै नेपाल फर्कने बन्न पुग्यो । शनिबार र आइतबार कार्यालयहरु नखुल्ने हुँदा कागजात मिलाउन नपाएपछि अन्ततः सोमबार हामी फर्क्यौ कार्यक्रम बीचैमा छाडेर । ब्यांककमा १२ घन्टाको ‘ट्रान्जिट’पछि ‘कर्फ्यु लागेको काठमाडौं आइपुग्यौं, जेठ २३ गते दिउँसो ।

सोलबाट मेरो त्यसबेलाको कार्यालय (कान्तिपुर दैनिक)मा सम्पर्क राख्ने सबै प्रयास असफल भएका थिए । हत्या आफैंमा जीवनलीला समाप्त पार्ने अस्वीकार्य अपराध हो । त्यसमा पनि मुलुकले माया गरेको र उदार व्यक्तित्वका रुपमा स्थापित राजा वीरेन्द्रको वंशनाश भएको थियो । अनि राजसंस्थाका उत्तराधिकारीका रुपमा तालिम हासिल गरिरहेका, यदाकदा सार्वजनिक जानकारीमा देखिने उद्दण्डता पनि मन पराइने युवराज दीपेन्द्रको नाम ‘हत्यारा’का रुपमा आउँदा ‘भीड’ले स्वीकार पनि नगरेको अवस्था थियो ।

कर्फ्युका कारण त्रिभुवन विमानस्थलबाट प्रहरीले नै ‘लिफ्ट’ दियो, तीनकुनेस्थित कान्तिपुर कार्यालयसम्म । त्यसै दिन बाबुराम भट्टराईले ‘नयाँ कोतपर्वलाई मान्यता दिनु हुँदैन’ भन्ने लेख पठाएका रहेछन्, कान्तिपुरमा प्रकाशनार्थ । नेपालको इतिहासमा यति ठूलो दुर्घटना अनि त्यसबारे एउटा सशक्त भूमिगत आन्दोलनका नेताको लेख कुनै पनि सम्पादकका लागि नछाप्ने निर्णय लिन कठीन थियो ।

भट्टराईले दरबार हत्याकाण्डको दोष योजनाकर्ताका रुपमा अमेरिका र भारतमाथि, अनि स्थानीय कार्यान्वयनकर्ताका रुपमा तत्कालीन प्रधानमन्त्री गिरिजाप्रसाद कोइराला र राजा ज्ञानेन्द्रमाथि लगाएका थिए । राजा वीरेन्द्रलाई उनले ‘देशभक्त’का रुपमा प्रस्तुत गरेका थिए । अहिलेको परिस्थितिमा भट्टराई भारतको विरोधमा केही बोल्ने साहस राख्दैनन् । कोइराला उनका ‘हिरो’ बनेका छन् । अमेरिकाप्रति निरपेक्ष छन् । हिजो के बोले या गरे, जवाफदेहीतामा विश्वास गर्दैनन् भट्टराई ।

लेख छापियो । सम्पादकसहित प्रबन्ध निर्देशक र निर्देशक ‘राजद्रोह’को अभियोगमा जेल परे, यद्यपि दुई महिनापछि सरकारले त्यसलाई फिर्ता लियो ।

दरबार हत्याकाण्डपछि सानोदेखि सुनेको ‘गुरु’ गोरखनाथको भविष्यवाणी स्मरण हुन थाल्यो । पृथ्वीनारायण शाहपछिका १० औं पुस्ताबाट राजसंस्था (शाहवंश) समाप्त हुने सम्भावना बढ्न थाल्यो । त्योसँगै संकटको बेला मुलुकमा सरकार, दलहरु अनि सबै मिलेर संकट सम्बोधन गर्न तम्सिन्छन् कि भन्ने झिनो आशा पनि पलाएको थियो मनमा, सोलदेखि फर्कने क्रममा, अफिसमा, प्रहरी हिरासतमा र अनि रिहाइपछि पनि । यथार्थ त्यस्तो भएन ।

‘भीडको मनोविज्ञान’मा तर्क हुँदैन । वास्तविकताबाट निर्देशित हुनैपर्छ भन्ने पनि छैन । दीपेन्द्रलाई हत्यारा मान्न भीड तयार भएन । आफ्ना छविका कारण हत्याकाण्डका दिन थुप्रैलाई बचाउन ‘प्रेजेन्स अफ माइन्ड’ देखाएका पारस शंकाकै घेरामा रहिरहे । उता दरबारको संवाद सचिवालयले त्यो संकटमा विवरणसहित सूचना प्रवाह गर्नमा ढिलाइ र कन्जुस्याइँ दुबै गर्‍यो । तत्कालीन अधिराजकुमार ज्ञानेन्द्रकी पत्नी कोमल गोली लागी गम्भीर घाइते भएको समाचार त्यति आएन । षड्यन्त्र ‘थ्योरी’ लाई बल पु्‍र्‍यायो त्यसले ।

सरकार चुक्यो नराम्रोसँग । यत्रो घटना हुँदा पनि प्रधानमन्त्री गिरिजाप्रसाद कोइरालाले संसद बोलाएनन् । जनतालाई न्यूनतम जानकारी दिएर छानबिन आयोगको गठन उसले गरेको भए राजदरबारले त्यसको विरोध गर्नसक्ने थिएन । सरकार चुक्यो । छानबिन आयोगको गठन जरुरी थियो । प्रधानमन्त्री कोइरालादेखि प्रतिपक्षका नेता माधवकुमार नेपालसम्म दरबारले नै छानबिन गरोस् भन्ने पक्षमा उभिए ।

अझ, ‘मैले देखेको दरबार’का लेखक विवेक शाहका अनुसार माधव नेपालले त राजासँग विशेष आग्रह नै गरे आयोग बन्दा आफूलाई नछुटाउन । किन पछि उनले अस्वीकार गरे ? अझै रहस्यपूर्ण छ यो । नेपालको दोधारे चरित्रको उदाहरण पनि बनेको छ ।

म पत्रकारितामा प्रवेश गर्नुअघि (१९७९ जुन २३) मा दिल्लीमा संजय गान्धीको निधन भएको थियो, उनले नै उडाएको जहाज दुर्घटनामा पर्दा । त्यहाँका प्रतिपक्षका केही महत्वपूर्ण नेताहरु ‘लुज टक’ मा त्यसको दोष संजयकी आमा इन्दिरा गान्धीलाई लगाउने गर्थे । मानवीय पीडा बोध गर्नु वर्तमान राजनीतिको धर्म बन्न सकेको छैन । त्यसको मानवीय अनुहार धमिलो बन्दै छ, बन्ने क्रमले निरन्तरता पाइरहेको छ ।

त्यसको १२ वर्ष पछि संजयका दाइ राजीव गान्धीको हत्यामा सोनिया गान्धीको नाम त्यसरी नै त्यही अमानवीयतासाथ केही राजनीतिक व्यक्ति र संगठनहरुले लिए । लेखे । यद्यपि आम जनताले त्यसलाई गम्भीरताका साथ लिएन । र, छानबिन आयोगले पनि त्यसलाई गम्भीरताका साथ लिएन । तर, सोनिया गान्धीको पीडा र उनले बुझ्ने गरी आएका त्यत्रा आलोचना उनले अत्यन्तै मर्यादित रुपमा झेलिन् । दुई छोराछोरीको सुरक्षा र सुनिश्चित जीवनका लागि मौनता अपनाइन् । आरोपलाई मौन मर्यादाले शिथिल बनाइन् उनले ।

शायद वीरेन्द्रको वंशनाशपछि ज्ञानेन्द्रले सोनिया गान्धीजसरी नै परिस्थितिलाई झेले । दरबार हत्याकाण्डको करिब तीन महिनाजति पछि मैले पहिलोचोटि राजा ज्ञानेन्द्रलाई भेटेँ ।

यस्ता किसिमका हत्याहरुको दोष अक्सर ‘अप्राकृतिक’ रूपमा फाइदा पाउनेहरूमा जान्छ । वीरेन्द्रको वंशनाशपछि ज्ञानेन्द्रलाई त्यस अर्थमा गद्दी लाभ भयो । अमेरिकामा राष्ट्रपति जोन एफ केनेडीको हत्यापछि स्वाभाविक रूपमा लिन्डन बी जोन्सन (उपराष्ट्रपति)लाई पद लाभ भयो । हत्याको छानबिनका लागि ‘अर्ल वारेन’ कमिसन बन्यो । तर, त्यसले ठोकुवासाथ कसैमाथि जिम्मेवारी सुनिश्चित गर्न सकेन । उता जनमानसमा लिन्डन बी जोन्सनमाथिको शंका रहि नै रह्यो ।

मैले यी विभिन्न वृत्तान्तहका साथ राजासँग कुरा राखेँ, भविष्यमा फिल्म निर्माता, पत्रकार र लेखकहरू सबैले यो घटनाबारे चासो राख्लान् । अनि उनीहरूले गर्ने शंका र प्रश्नलाई सम्बोधन गर्ने गरी लामो अवधिसहितको आयोग गठन गरेको भए शायद बेस हुने थियो कि ? तर, धेरै ढिलो भइसकेको थियो । प्रधान न्यायाधीशको नेतृत्वको छानबीन टोलीले प्रतिवेदन दिइसकेको थियो ।

राजाको पीडा बुझ्न कठिन थिएन । उनले कुनै रूपमा व्यक्त पनि गरे त्यसलाई । हाँसो र आँसु सेयर गर्ने सबै आफन्त गुमाएको र राजा भएर रुन पनि नमिल्ने तितो तथ्यको पीडा थियो उनलाई ।

राजसंस्थालाई समाप्त गर्ने संविधानसभाको निर्णयपछि दरबार छोड्ने बेला उनले चुनौती दिए सत्तालाई । दरबार हत्याकाण्डबारे कुनै पनि छानबिनका लागि आफू तयार भएको सन्देश दिए ज्ञानेन्द्रले । नयाँ आयोग गठन भएन । तर, प्रचण्डलगायतका नेताहरुले त्यो आरोप लगाई नै रहे ।

दरबार हत्याकाण्डलगत्तै सैनिक अस्पतालमा उपचारका लागि लगिएका राजपरिवारका सदस्य तथा नातेदारहरुलाई आफन्तहरु भेट्न गइ नै रहेका थिए । दीपेन्द्र अचेत अवस्थामा रहेकै बेला अस्पताल पुगेकी ‘मुमा बडामहारानी रत्न राज्यलक्ष्मी’ले सबैलाई भेटिन्, तर दीपेन्द्र राखेको बेडमा नपुगी फरक्क फर्किन् । ‘उनको अनुहारमा घृणा देख्न सकिन्थ्यो त्यसबेला पनि’ प्रत्यक्षदर्शीहरुका अनुसार ।

घटनास्थलमा उपस्थितहरुको भनाइ फरक छैन, छानबिन आयोगको निष्कर्षभन्दा । तर, छानबिनमा लगाएको छोटो अवधिले विश्वसनियतामा आँच पुर्‍याउनु अस्वभाविक थिएन ।

विवेक शाहकै किताबअनुसार ज्ञानेन्द्रले सबैको पोस्टमार्टम गर्नुपर्ने सुझाव राख्दा मुमा बडामहारानीले प्रश्न गरिन्, ‘महाराजधिराजको शरीर पनि चिर्ने ?’ कसैले त्यसको प्रतिवाद गर्ने हिम्मत गरेन ।

परम्परा अनुसार त्यो ठिक थियो । तर छानबिनका हिसाबले त्यो सायद सबभन्दा ठूलो गल्ती सावित भयो ।

भावी राजाका रुपमा तालिम पाइरहेका दीपेन्द्रका ‘नराम्रा’ गतिविधि सार्वजनिक नहुँदा र परिवारका ‘मूली’बाट नसिहत नपाउँदा उनको उद्दण्डता बाहिर आउन सकेन । त्यसले उनलाई शायद प्रोत्साहित गरिरह्यो त्यस्ता उद्दण्डताका लागि । उता पारसका सवै गतिविधि सञ्चारमा आउन थालेपछि त्यही अनुपातमा पारस बदनाम भइरहे ।

‘आफ्नो एकजना प्रेयसीलाई दीपेन्द्रले तर्साउन खाल्डोमा आधा  पुरेका या उनलाई सोल्टी होटलबाट गाडीको डिक्कीमा हालेर सहर ल्याएका’ घटनाहरु निकट मित्रहरुको जानकारीमा नभएको हैन । ‘तर, त्यसलाई हामीले दरबारकाण्डसम्म जानसक्ने चरित्र निर्माण हुँदैछ भन्ने रुपमा लिएनौं,’ गफका क्रममा र नाम उल्लेख नगर्ने सर्तमा दीपेन्द्रका एकजना मित्रले भने ।

घटनाको १२ वर्ष बितेको छ । तथ्य र भावनाको द्वन्द्वमा निष्कर्षमाथि छलफल जारी छ । ज्ञानेन्द्रलाई खलनायकका रुपमा प्रस्तुत गर्ने सिलसिला केही माओवादीहरुमा जारी छ।

नेपाली राजनीति र प्रशासनमा अक्सर देखिने गम्भीरताको अभावबाहेक अरु हिसाबले यो घटनालाई शायद अब विश्लेषण गर्न सकिने छैन । सिर्जनशील फिल्म निर्माता या भावी इतिहासकर्मीहरुले यो घटनालाई कसरी ‘पुनर्निर्माण’ (रिकन्स्ट्रक्ट) गर्लान्, त्यो उनीहरुको मानवीय पक्ष तथा गम्भीरता (या तिनीहरुको अभाव) मा भर पर्ने छ ।

http://setopati.com/blog/1150/

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